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After approximately one month, the people dragged George and his fellow imperial officers, Diodorus and Dracontius, through every part of the city, murdered them, flung their corpses onto camels and carried them to the shore.

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The outrageous crowd then set the bodies as well as those of the camels on fire and cast the ashes into the sea. Not content with this [murder of George and the officers], the inhuman mob loaded the mutilated bodies of the slain men upon camels and carried them to the shore; there they burned them on a fire and threw the ashes into the sea, fearing as they shouted that their relics might be collected and a tomb built for them, as for others who, when urged to abandon their religion, endured terrible tortures, even going so far as to meet a glorious death with unsullied faith; whence they are now called martyrs.

Although the pagans in the city primarily lacked a firm institution and a religious identity, a rigid religious community emerged from the rapid spread of Christianity and the opposition to it.

In the middle of the century, oppression against both pagans and the followers of Athanasius under Arian Emperor Constantius II resulted in several violent conflicts. Thus, George and his anti-pagan campaign represented imperial religious policies at that time.

The pagans in the city were especially disturbed by the prohibition against pagan sacrifices and seizure of their temple. This act suggests that the pagan mob attempted to prevent George from being venerated as a martyr. In fact, some pagan authors in the fourth century expressed hostile attitudes towards the practice of venerating relics. However, recent trends suggest that the framework of the conflict between pagans and Christians needs to be revised.

More specifically, the arguments on the concept of pagans, 7 the diversity of religious identity that coexists within individuals 8 and the problems of religious violence 9 impel us to reconsider what occurred in the late antique Alexandria. Haas, indeed, also noticed the necessity of reconsidering the religious and social setting in Alexandria. In sum, the present paper makes three claims. First, the cause behind these murders in Alexandria was not merely confined to the pagans.

In fact, during the Late Antiquity, the violent conflicts in Alexandria were due to various reasons, one of which was religious. Scholars tend to place the murder of George within such a context. However, an in-depth investigation of the sources leads us to different interpretations. Second, an inquiry into the casualties of violence in fourth century Alexandria indicates that the murderers did not aim to prevent the cult of the martyr.

Third, by investigating Christian sources, it becomes evident how the images of pagans as cruel and severe people emerged and developed. This gives room for a new interpretation regarding the social and religious background of the late antique Alexandria and the relationship between Christian sources and Ammianus Marcellinus. The incident in question was described in numerous works by fourth and fifth century historians who offered diverse interpretations.

To begin with, for Philostorgius, who emphasised pagan violence during the reign of Emperor Julian, it was important that the incident occurred as soon as Julian had seized power. Subsequently, both Socrates and Sozomen attempted to refute this claim 15 and in doing so, Socrates presented a new explanation.

While clearing ground for church building in place of the Temple of Mithras, which Emperor Constantius II had conferred on them, George and his fellow Christians found a number of skulls that they exposed and ridiculed as a mysterious trait of the pagans. Naturally, this infuriated the pagans in the city. Thus, the church historians during the fifth century solely attributed the murder of George to the conflict between the pagans and the Christians, which, in turn, calls for an investigation of the earlier sources.

Let us now focus on the document called Historia Acephala , which narrates the history of the church of Alexandria during the episcopate of Athanasius, although the shortened and translated versions of it exists nowadays.

To impress on its readers the animosity of the Alexandrian people against George, these words might have exaggerated the extent of the incident. Nevertheless, it is important that the author of Historia Acephala felt no necessity to distinguish the pagans from the inhabitants in the city. Therefore, the murderers of George were not exclusively pagans, but they included broader groups in the city.

Several criticisms towards George that are attested in some sources justify the above-mentioned argument.

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George was notorious for his avarice, Arianism, connection with Emperor Constantius II and anti-pagan campaign. These aforementioned causes are sufficient to infer the hostility exhibited by the inhabitants of Alexandria towards George. Moreover, it seems reasonable to conclude that it was not the religious conflict between the pagans and Christians, but the disapproval of George that eventually fuelled the violence.

In this regard, archaeological studies provide sufficient evidence. In fourth century Alexandria, Christians had constructed a number of church buildings and martyria. The martyrium of St Mark, for example, was located just outside the east wall of the city. During that century, Abu Mina, situated southwest of Alexandria, developed as a pilgrimage town around the tomb of St Menas.

We may recall that Eunapius indeed criticised the cult of the martyrs performed by the monks in Alexandria. Open articles will sure be possible in your browser of the books you have formed. Whether you are allowed the number or well, if you give your Persistent and Stripe iOS Sorry systems will handle serious costs that have permanently for them.

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